Nawara Mahfoud
Syria recently witnessed a recurring pattern of domestic violence incidents that resulted in the deaths of children lately. This phenomenon is not restricted to a specific governorate, or any ethnic or religious group; five children have been reported as having been beaten to death in just the last few months.
“The roots of this problem are multifaceted,” says lawyer and civil activist Hanan Zahreddine. “Current Syrian law permits the disciplining of women and children through physical force, provided it does not result in ‘harm.’ However, the law itself fails to define ‘violence,’ leaving it unclear what level of force might be considered permissible.”
Zahreddine explains that the Syrian Penal Code is partly derived from Islamic Sharia, and because of that it defines violence exclusively as physical harm (Islamic Sharia allows men the right to use physical discipline against women and children as long as it doesn’t lead to severe bruising or lasting harm). This interpretation doesn’t comply with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which criminalizes all forms of violence, including verbal, psychological, and economic abuse, in addition to physical violence.
“In practice, over the past few years, we have observed that judges only hold an abuser accountable or criminalize their actions when the harm inflicted is severe—for instance, if the victim has suffered broken bones or disfigurement. However, the reality is that vague legal terminology that fails to provide a clear definition of violence, combined with the patriarchal mindset prevalent in our society, has served to entrench a culture of leniency and tolerance toward domestic violence. This often leads to overlooking such acts and a failure to prioritize the best interests of the child. How else, for example, could custody of so many young girls have been returned to their abusers, despite all the violence they have suffered before ?” says Zahreddine.
A clear example of what Zahreddine talked about is the case of four-year-old Jannat al-Afis, who was killed by her father in the town of Al-Hussainiyah, in the western countryside of Deir ez-Zor, on September 27, 2026. According to news reports, a month prior to her death, the father had beaten Jannat so severely that she required a week-long hospital stay. The father’s siblings had filed a complaint against him, leading to his detention, but he was held in detention for only 25 days. During this time, the child went to live with her aunt. However, following his release, the authorities allowed him to regain custody of his three daughters. The domestic abuse resumed, ultimately resulting in Jannat’s death after he beat her with a cable, causing her skull to shatter. The General Security Forces subsequently announced the arrest of Jannat’s father.
In another stark example of the judicial system’s leniency toward domestic violence, twelve-year-old Nour al-Dous, from the town of Namar, was found murdered on July 26, 2026. She had been reported missing three days earlier, then her decomposing body was discovered thrown in agricultural land between the town of Namar and the city of al-Harra, in the northern countryside of Daraa. Nour’s parents had separated years ago, and she had lived with her mother and maternal grandfamily until her mother remarried. At that point, custody was transferred to her father, who resides in Damascus; he left Nour in the care of his own mother and brothers in the town of Namar.
According to a video testimony given by her maternal grandmother, Maysoun al-Douba, both the mother and maternal grandfamily had previously filed complaints of domestic abuse against Nour’s father, providing photographs and evidence. However, the judge refused to take action, insisting that the father and his family had the right to “discipline” the child. In an interview with the Syrian news outlet Al-Ikhbariya, the grandmother stated: “I want the judge to be put on trial—the very judge whom I begged and pleaded to: ‘The girl is being brutalised …She is being beaten… For God’s sake, help her!’ He just replied, ‘She’s with her [father’s] family—they are disciplining her.’ But ‘disciplining’ a child doesn’t mean beating her! I went and found her eye this swollen—look at it [showing a photo on her phone]!”
According to the child’s maternal uncle, the father had sought custody of Nour nine months before her murder, even though she had previously lived with her mother and maternal family. According to her mother’s testimony and media reports, Nour was sexually assaulted before being beaten to death by her uncle. The uncle then contacted her father in Damascus, who returned to the town of Namar to assist in disposing of the body and fabricating a story about her disappearance to cover up the crime. However, testimonies from her mother and her maternal grandfamily led to the arrest of the father and two of her uncles, all of whom confessed to the crime during the investigation. The suspects were subsequently referred to a military court, as the uncle who committed the murder is a member of the Ministry of Defense. Furthermore, the Ministry of Justice established an investigative committee to examine the circumstances of the case, including the judge’s prior rulings regarding the custody dispute.
News outlets have reported the killing of 11-year-old Nisreen Haddad by her father at their home in Old Aleppo. The father reportedly struck her violently on the head with metal utensils. According to the reports, security forces subsequently detained the father.
In a separate incident, 12-year-old Kinan Muhammad al-Atrash was killed by his father—who hanged him—at their home in Atmeh camp in northern Syria. Media activists and reports experiencing a deteriorating mental state and severe financial difficulties.
Ayat al-Rifai was killed by her husband in 2021. In 2022, he was sentenced to seven years in prison. However, on the night of December 8, 2024—the night the Assad regime fell—he escaped from Adra Prison, taking advantage of the chaos as prisons were opened. Subsequently, earlier in 2026 , he filed for custody of his daughter and was granted it. Following protests by Ayat’s family, he was rearrested. The judge who had granted him custody claimed that he was unaware of the details of the case at the time, stating that he did not know the father had been convicted of murdering the child’s mother.
Homicides resulting from domestic violence are not limited to areas under the control of the transitional government in Damascus. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights has documented the murder of a young girl, Lujain Anwar al-Qantar, who was burned to death by her uncle in As-Suwayda. Lujain had been living in her grandfather’s home following her parents’ separation. According to her account—given before she passed away in the hospital—her uncle attacked her, threw gasoline all over her, and set her on fire. While the motives for this crime remain unclear, her grandfather stated that the uncle suffers from mental health disorders, the grandfather himself handed the perpetrator over to the Criminal Security branch in As-Suwayda.
Incidents of murders as a result of domestic violence do not occur in a vacuum; they are deeply rooted in the general social and legal environment in the country. Reports of child abuse—along with urgent pleas for protection—frequently surface on social media. While there are no precise, publicly available figures on the prevalence of domestic violence in Syria, the “Voices From Syria 2025” report, issued by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), indicates that Syria entered a new era in 2025. The report notes that “the ousting of President Bashar al-Assad and his government brings hope of an end of the armed conflict that has raged since 2011- but the humanitarian crisis is far from over. More than 16 million people, over 70 percent of Syria’s population, remain in need of humanitarian assistance”. The report further explains that, as of the end of 2025, seven million people remained internally displaced within Syria. Although more than a million displaced individuals returned from other parts of the country, and approximately 400,000 returned from neighboring countries, displaced families continue to live in dire conditions, with limited access to essential services such as food and healthcare.
According to World Bank estimates, women’s participation in the labor market stood at 12.7% in 2025, compared to 61.4% for men, while 90% of the Syrian population lives below the poverty line.
The report Voices From Syria 2025 argues that Syrian women and girls, as has been the case since the beginning of the revolution and the war, “are facing the worst consequences of these intersecting political, social, and economic crises”. It notes that “Nowhere is safe, with violence occurring in homes, public places and digital and online platforms”. Factors such as general insecurity, the continued proliferation of weapons, ongoing conflict, and economic hardship further exacerbate the vulnerability of women and children. Moreover, discriminatory social norms—which impose expectations regarding women’s obedience—hinder their ability to speak out or seek assistance.
According to a UNOCHA analysis conducted at the end of 2025, “out of some 8.6 million people requiring GBV assistance in Syria, 85 % are women and girls. Intimate partner violence, psychological violence, economic violence, early and forced marriage, and sexual exploitation remained ‘persistent concerns”.
The same abovementioned source also stated that “Swedish Migration Agency in September 2025 assessed that physical violence against women within the household increased and became more normalised, particularly as growing numbers of returnee women were required to share accommodation with extended family members or relatives”.
Lawyer Zahreddine argues that most women are not even aware of the legal procedures and or the steps involved in filing a complaint for filing a complaint. Even when they are, many do not believe that such a complaint will lead to protection or justice—given the deteriorating economic conditions and prevailing social traditions. “Many families refuse to take in their daughters and grandchildren if the woman or her children are facing domestic violence, or they are simply unable to provide them with shelter. Furthermore, a woman cannot file a complaint and then return to her husband’s home, and there is not a sufficient number of protection centers for women and children.”
The report Syrian Voices 2025 highlights that many women and girls choose to remain silent after experiencing violence, due to fear, social stigma, or a lack of trust in available support systems. “Though keeping silent and not seeking support may lead to severe physical and mental health problems. Many women and girls also reported that speaking about violence they have experienced is expected to lead to worse consequences, including other forms of violence and restrictions.”
According to a source at the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor who spoke to the Syrian Feminist Lobby, they have only one center in Damascus—and it is the only one in all of Syria—that provides shelter to women who have experienced violence, along with their children. Known as the Family Protection Unit, it operates under the administrative authority of the Syrian Commission for Family and Population Affairs, which is affiliated with the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor. The unit admits survivors of violence—including mothers and their children—providing them with shelter, psychological, social, and legal support, as well as training and economic empowerment programs, such as literacy classes, language instruction, and vocational training. The unit accepts referrals of women from across Syria, channeled through the Public Prosecutor’s Office, police stations, hospitals, or relevant medical institutions. It also operates a hotline that allows women themselves, as well as neighbors, extended family members, or others in the community, to report instances of violence. Following verification,the women concerned can also be admitted to the unit for shelter. According to the source, the unit provided residential shelter to more than thirty women in 2026. An introductory video about the unit, released by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, states that the shelter stay is temporary, with a duration of six months.
Affiliated to the unit is an independent medical center. According to the introductory video, “The center provides both external and residential (internal) case management services. External case management is conducted at the Family Medical Center, which is staffed by a gynecologist, a pediatrician, a health educator, a psychiatrist, a psychotherapist, and a legal consultant. The unit also provides residential internal services; once a survivor is admitted to the shelter, she receives residential case management, which includes following up on her legal proceedings in court—as well as any other needs she may have—and managing her healthcare, including medical appointments both at the Family Medical Center and elsewhere. As part of this residential case management, we also hold weekly follow-up sessions with her.”
According to the source at the ministry , the Family Medical Center received hundreds of visits from women in 2026 as external cases; its services also covered the local community. The same source indicates that work is currently underway to establish similar protection units in the governorates of Latakia and Aleppo.
The Syrian Feminist Lobby also learned that certain private centers provide shelter and care services to women who have experienced violence—such as the Convent of the Sisters of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd in Damascus, which also operates a hotline for reporting incidents and providing assistance, under the name “Al-Waha” (The Oasis).
Lawyer Zahreddine argues that the cycle of violence against women is not limited to the risks of physical abuse or other forms of violence they may face at home or in their immediate environment. It also extends to the rights—or lack thereof—regarding child custody and financial support (alimony) should a woman seek a separation. This reality often deters women from even considering an escape from such abusive situations: “A man has the power to initiate an arbitrary divorce unilaterally, whereas a woman does not possess this right. While women are permitted to request a khul’ (divorce initiated by the wife in Islamic jurisprudence), in practice, most women are forced to relinquish all their legal rights to obtain it—including their right to alimony and dowry. Furthermore, even if a woman has custody of her children, she is left without a home; the man remains in the marital residence while she is the one who must leave—taking the children with her, if she chooses to do so.”
This highly fragile environment is compounded by a broader political debate that further complicates the landscape—a debate stemming from the fact that some lawmakers and members of the People’s Assembly argue about the source of legislation: should it be derived from secular (positive) law or from Islamic Sharia? In an incident that sparked widespread controversy within Syrian society, a member of the People’s Assembly, Ismail Abu al-Harith, defended the use of corporal punishment in schools as a disciplinary measure. He stated: “Regarding the issue of corporal punishment, there are many different theories—Western theories that advocate for its abolition, and Arab and Islamic theories that permit it, albeit with certain regulations. Personally, I support corporal punishment because it is a Sunnah (prophetic tradition), the prophet said “discipline them [by striking them] when they are ten years old”. If the Ministry insists on banning it, then perhaps an alternative approach should be used. For instance, consider the video that circulated on social media showing a teacher beating a student’s hand with a stick; nothing serious happened—no bones were broken,and he did not bleed. Yet, the incident became a ‘trend,’ and the Ministry responded by dismissing the teacher. Why? Honestly, this is an injustice. Teachers now enter the classroom fearing their students, while students walk in thinking, ‘The teacher wouldn’t dare come near me.’ How, then, can such a student possibly receive an education from that teacher?”
This statement highlights the complexity of the problem of violence in Syria, and the way in which cultural factors and customs intertwine with legal and institutional issues, which in turn exacerbate this phenomenon.
Legal Framework and contradictory and overlapping Laws
To date, there is no specific, independent law in Syria dedicated to issues of domestic violence and protection, nor is there an integrated system for referral and protection. Cases of domestic violence are instead governed by various existing laws—including the Syrian Penal Code and the Child Rights Law—but the lack of a clear definition of violence, combined with a multitude of governing provisions, often leads to the normalization of violence in many instances.
The Syrian Penal Code permits the use of physical blows as a form of discipline by fathers and teachers, provided that such actions do not cause injury.
Article 185 of the Penal Code:
1- An act permitted by law shall not be regarded as an offence.
2- The law permits: a. Disciplinary measures that are inflicted by parents and teachers on children in accordance with the accepted general norms.
Islamic Sharia also permits the disciplining of a disobedient wife or children through physical force, provided it is not severe. However, according to lawyer Zahreddine, the problem lies in the fact that the penal code lacks a clear definition of violence, leaving the door open for individual interpretations by judges.
Articles from the Syrian Penal Code covers and are applicable to cases of domestic violence that result in physical harm. These include Articles 540–543, which cover offenses ranging from minor physical harm to injuries resulting in permanent disability; Article 555, which addresses the deprivation of a person’s liberty (such as confining a wife or children); and Articles 559–564, which pertain to threats involving weapons or threats to inflict harm.
However, as lawyer Zahreddine testified, the current Syrian Penal Code does not address other forms of violence, such as verbal, psychological, or economic violence.
To date, the Child Rights Law (Law No. 21 of 2021) stands as the most prominent Syrian legislation that can be invoked to protect children from domestic violence. It mandates the protection of children from all forms of violence—including physical, psychological, and sexual abuse, as well as neglect—and allows for family members, including parents or legal guardians, to be held accountable under its provisions.
Article 14 of the Child Rights Law of 2021:
a- A child has the right to be protected from all forms of violence—particularly physical, psychological, sexual, or moral abuse, as well as any other form of mistreatment—and has the right to be protected from exploitation, neglect, deprivation, homelessness, traffic-related dangers, and hazardous practices.
b- The State shall ensure the enactment of legislation and the adoption of administrative, social, educational, and preventive measures to uphold this right.
However, Article 185 of the Penal Code remains in effect. A Country Policy and Information Note issued by the UK Home Office in March 2026 indicated that “The Penal Code permits parents to use disciplinary forms established by common custom, including physical abuse.” This legal inconsistency points to a problem regarding the scope of legal protection against corporal punishment within the family, and underscores the need to establish a clear legal definition of violence.
Syrian law grants custody to the mother until the children reach the age of fifteen; however, a mother often loses custody if she remarries. Article 138 of the Personal Status Law (Law No. 59 of 1953) stipulates that “a custodian’s marriage to a man who is not a prohibited relative (mahram) of the child results in the loss of her custody rights.” In theory, however, a judge retains the discretion to allow the child to remain with the mother, provided her new husband consents and the judge deems it to be in the child’s best interest. The mother of the child Nour al-Dous lost custody following her remarriage.
Lawyer Zahreddine argues that Syrian law fails to take the best interests of the child into account in custody cases. She advocates for legal amendments that would base custody decisions on social assessments and studies of each parent’s character, circumstances, and professional life—all with a primary focus on the child’s best interests.
On August 1st, 2026, the Ministry of Justice announced a “comprehensive draft law to combat domestic violence,” which is now awaiting presentation to the People’s Assembly, according to statements by the Minister of Justice, Mazhar al-Alwis. The draft law was developed through collaboration with the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor and following consultations with various entities, including the Ministry of Awqaf (Endowments) and the Ministry of Interior. A source within the Ministry of Social Affairs assured the Syrian Feminist Lobby that the draft law is “comprehensive,” designed to address all forms of violence—including psychological, verbal, and economic—and to develop and implement protection mechanisms”. The source further noted that extensive discussions regarding the content of the draft law have taken place among the relevant stakeholders. As of now, no specific timeline has been announced for the law’s enactment. Syrians are currently questioning whether this draft law will align with international human rights standards and provide a holistic protective framework for women and children—one capable of preventing a recurrence of the crimes recently witnessed within Syrian society.
Nawara Mahfoud
journalist and a member of the Syrian Feminist Lobby.